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#Soal pancasila sebagai ideologi negara how to#

To be fair, this inbuilt high expectation of secularism is not only deceptively unfair, but it is a tall order that is undoubtedly doomed to failure.

As a result, it should be no surprise that it is no longer uncommon to find widespread disillusionment with secularism as a ready-made template solution to the nagging questions surrounding the unwelcome intervention of religion into the public sphere. He argues that, ‘it is the secular nationalism, and not religion, that has gone wrong.’ Does that mean that we should throw the baby out with the bathwater? Is it that bad that the once ultimate answer to resolve the issue of maintaining the neutrality of the public sphere, secularism, is now doomed to be buried with its advocate John Locke who has been dead for more than three centuries? The next fair question would be: does this mean that it is reasonable to adopt pan-religious values as the ultimate and only recourse to manage religious diversity and, more importantly, to resolve civil disputes in freedom-related matters? Is this the case even if it requires the dismissal of budding irreligionists as just another fringe of unpleasant social gadflies?Īrguably, the implicit organisational framework that drives the so-called ‘Post-secular’ school tends to be empirically, and, thus, neutral-value, driven. Mark Juergensmeyer is one of the world’s foremost scholars of religion, who claims to have made sense of religion and, therefore, claims to be able to go beyond its ‘demonisation’ (something which he argues mainstream liberals are often guilty of). To be sure, this might mean that secularism is not only relegated as merely yesterday’s news, but that it is something so evil as to merit immediate eradication. In India, possibly the most mature democracy in the Global South for instance, secularism has arguably lost its appeal. This is even more so in the non-Western context.

The global feeling of doom and gloom toward secularism as a venerated political precept in the history of defending, inter alia, freedom of thought, religion and speech has become part of today’s banalities. Concluding remarks: Ambiguity is not necessarily our destiny.The politics of dubiety: A laporan kecap.

The genesis: the other road to heterodoxy.

More importantly, it has also set political reform back. Furthermore, the Indonesian experiment with the moderate wall of separation has, disturbingly, encouraged more religious parochialism to be smuggled through indigeneity-based claims. Secularity is implicit in Javanese “political theory,” and, thus, it is natural to assume that for the early nationalists, secularity was important for the national effort of “getting to Denmark.” Unfortunately, Indonesia’s temporary accommodation of religion as a solution to the Islamists insistence has somewhat become fossilised in the political system. In contravention of scholarly orthodoxy, the paper posits secularism is, in fact, the early Javanese nationalist’s endgame. From that vantage point, this paper argues that the alternative religious-friendly model that is based on pan-religious values has also failed miserably. Whether one likes it not, however, it is hard to rationally deny the desirability of having secularity as the ideal condition for national political contestation. Is secularism dead? Many have argued that, as a path, secularism provides nothing but a dead end.

#Soal pancasila sebagai ideologi negara how to#

(2019) Oxford U Comparative L Forum 2 at .ac.uk | How to cite this article